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Civic Express [莫問出處-莫宜端] -Hong Kong’s Blogazine [博匯] 香港博客棧




June 14, 2006

「天下第一爆」的思考誤區 莫宜端

六月六日,三峽三期圍堰爆破拆卸,內地、港、澳不論文字或電子傳媒,均大字標題聲稱這是「天下第一爆」。統一仿如轉載新華社通稿。

「被稱為天下第一爆」是怎麼樣的一個概念呢?「被稱為」之說,沒有主體,暗示著這是一個普遍、深入民心的感受,不光是官方或負責的工程執行單位的公關技倆,而是有點兒像「太陽從東方升起」般沒有人想過會提出丁點疑問的事實。

「天下第一」,據報亦是有數據支撐的:12.88秒之內,480米長的巨大的石屎堰塊如骨牌般倒下,沒入江底。但是,怎樣的比較和印證顯示此極速拆堰是天下第一?長江三峽總公司沒有明言,至少,記者們沒有在新聞平台昭示給公眾知道。

N個天下第一

在家中回看新聞報道,聽到「天下第一」四個字,有點耳熟。情形就好像「五十年一遇的大水」一般入耳已沒有了激動、心頭一顫的感覺。不是嗎?跟香港依山背水的廣東,17年前便炸出個「天下第一」。1989年,美國公司在惠州投資興建汽車城,但美方要求惠州市政府在半年內就得建出一個一萬噸級的碼頭,以便零配件運過來後可直接上岸,否則就撤資。如果是靠傳統的爆破,這項工程3年也完成不了。於是,當地便大膽地採用了當年世界上還從沒有人敢用的「定向拋擲爆破法」。幾秒鐘內,炸平了一座山,千年望海的大山,立變「他山之石」,被拋進了海灣中。一個惠州港,就是這樣炸成的。就如「鋼鐵是這樣煉成」般經典。但,發展是否一定要這般壯烈?

「第一」是注定不停被超越的。若大家不太善忘的話,應該記得一年前在深圳,也出了個「中國第一爆」。2005年5月21日,深圳福田區一幢十多層高的大樓被爆破,以空出地皮發展。當局指出,這一爆是以最不擾民的方式,拆毀一幢影響治安、市容的爛尾樓。新聞片令人眼儍的一幕,是倒塌在地的樓房,像小孩隨意推倒的彩色積木。這區出現過「二奶村」、曾經因為平價房屋供應不足,造就了農民出租給外地人而成的城中村,為充沛的勞動人口提供低門檻的住房。但在城市發展就只等於去舊迎新的思維下,這些小區的人脈、從本地人和外地人一同活出來的社區文化,只有被「剷除」才最合發展效益;「更新」、「重塑」不是沒有價值,但花太大的成本了。

爆出人定勝天的思考誤區

到長江三峽工程圍堰破爆榮膺「天下第一」,這種「人定勝天」的大躍進思維仍在發酵。在港招商的湖北省委書記俞正聲連聲稱讚爆破精彩,體現了湖北的科研和施工能力。他承認,三峽工程不可避免地帶來一些生態損害,但權衡利害下,三峽工程肯定是偉大的工程。

可幸的是,在經過上世紀五十年代三門峽大壩間接令黃河斷流,以及無數在發展之下噤聲的生態災難、社區被毀的事件後,生態、環境、可持續發展的考量在中央和地方領導層的論述中漸見市場。

但可悲的是,本港傳媒大唱讚歌之前,似乎未有靠調查報道,或查證官方的政策措施與環境保護的旌旗有多吻合。而這些疑問,在內地新聞媒體仍受諸多制肘的情況下,可能新聞工作者想提出但也難以啟齒。要報道,也可能要展開如李大同、盧躍剛所講與政府的「博奕」關係,才可把討論的空間拓寬。可悲的是,香港不少的媒體,不用展開這些扜迴的博奕,但也沒有把討論深化。

所謂反智,有時候不在於你提出甚麼,而在於一些應該提、應該問的你不問。有一些關於「天下第一爆」的疑問,是在香港舖天蓋地的報道中未有「爆」出來的:

一、已經倒下在江底的圍堰,是否會長眠江底?造成了哪一程度的生態破壞?又會如何彌補?
二、三峽公司在爆破進行前,為了避免傷及水中珍稀瀕危魚種如中華鱘和江豚等,出動高壓脈衝電驅魚。但是這一區域被堰塊覆蓋,魚兒和其他江底生物的家,儼然被毀。又怎樣能夠補償?
三、堅決不倒的堰塊會對水底有甚麼影響?再擇日爆破的話,生態影響將如何評估?
四、地方領導口中的「無可避免」的「一些損害」,到底是甚麼?有沒有經過專家論證?所謂持分者,除了知名學者、水利專才,會否包括靠長江維生的漁民?

三峽移民可以移到新居,可住進新房子,但環境不同、社區紐帶被撕斷要重新駁上。在江中,魚兒們安身立命的水草、視之為糧食的微生物,在「第一爆」的歡呼聲中被埋沒了。物種不同,但遭遇竟如此相似。
我不懷疑大壩某程度上對治水、發電有一定的功用,但是任何人的決策可能是錯的。今天的偉大工程積下的債,可能由後代來償還。國際風起雲湧的反對興建大壩的浪潮,也不一定是對的,當中一些奉如信仰的反發展論述,或許同樣地以偏蓋全。但是,正如《中國環境綠皮書》所言,中國的環境保護處於十字路口,十字路口即是在十一五時期,要決定環境要不要在建設前讓步,也包括透過輿論監督、公開論證去確認一些重大項目是向左走抑或向右走。

即使是談環境、論文明,主旋律仍然是側重科技文明而輕人文文明。幾十年前三門峽大壩的慘痛經驗,幾十年後的今天,應不會百分百重演,因為,科技是進步了,工程誤差少了。但是,盲目高舉科技、人定勝天的思考陷阱,依然未改。這是值得有幸享有新聞自由的香港傳媒發掘的題材,也是透過監督讓公眾深入認識內地發展矛盾的好機會。

(刊於信報財經新聞中港評論版, 2006-06-12)

May 10, 2006

Start from Audit: To Prepare RTHK for a New Age of PSB (Zandra Mok)

In a letter to Radio Television Hong Kong (RTHK) staff, Director of Broadcasting Chu Pui-hing called for calm among colleagues. Yet the staff union said the head’s letter could not dispel concerns and instead “called to arms” in view of the commencement of work of a government accountant and auditor at RTHK – union will request meetings with the two about their concerns.

The RTHK question has been complicated enough even before the Audit Commission slammed its non-compliance. It is argued by some RTHK defenders that the move of Audit Commission is part of the “conspiracy” to harm RTHK’s reputation among the public at a particularly sensitive moment, in view of nine-month review launched by the government in January 2006. Some lawmakers and academics further repeated the call for de-linking the RTHK from the government in order to fulfil its role as a public service broadcaster.

On the other side, the government invokes that there is no linkage, let alone conspiracy, behind the sensitive moves and what it called for is strengthened governance of a government department. The Secretary for Commerce and Information Technology, Joseph Wong, was adamant at the query if freedom of expression and staff morale would be adversely affected by sending in senior officials to RTHK, “There is no question absolutely of freedom of speech and absolutely no question of editorial independence. Let’s get this very clear. We are talking about problems in the governance, in the management and resource management of RTHK, which is a Government department.”

But is the concern about government conspiracy to topple the RTHK management really the right question to ask? My bet is absolutely not. The question is definitely beyond freedom of expression and editorial independence. And should the Audit Commission’s probe of RTHK’s use of public money be seen as a totally separate event from the current review of public service broadcasting in Hong Kong? Neither. The centrality of the question is whether the public in Hong Kong cherishes the current mode of PSB, that is, RTHK as a sole yet very limited public service broadcaster or do they aspire for something different? How the public accountability of the current and even the future RTHK can be enhanced.

The difficulty reviewed by the Audit Report is whether accountability and compliance to the government (actually, taxpayers) contradicts with or even undermines the RTHK’s accountability and responsiveness to the public, a major set of stakeholder in public service broadcasting. However, as a veteran journalist who has worked in both private and public broadcasters, my experience is that accountability to government and the wider public can be and should be co-existent. Let examples speak for themselves. Regarding compensating drivers with overtime payments for purchasing newspapers to prepare for morning current-affairs programme, alternative arrangements such as reorganizing driver rosters or commissioning staff of the related programme to buy newspapers are abundant for the management’s perusal. The guiding principle is not only to comply with departmental guidelines in financial control, but also an augmented vigilance in handling public money.

This is not to deny that there are indeed areas where compliance to government regulations is uneasy partner with the role of a media organization. In fact the structure of RTHK is strange – a media organization in a straitjacket of government department. That is why RTHK as a government department is viewed as the least sustainable model as a public service broadcaster. However, as long as it is part of the government and a large number of staff are civil servants, flexibility has to be sought within limits.

The Audit Report stated that prevalence of irregularities in any government department was not conducive to strong public governance. This has been linked to much disputed saying by the Chief Executive about “a strong and decisive government”. Yet subject to the Audit’s concerns to critical reasoning, at stake is an impression that the sole public service broadcaster cannot even set its own house in order. This will definitely impact on the talk of RTHK’s future. Look at the much cited case of BBC. Its recent review resulted in a White Paper published by the UK Department for Culture, Media and Sport. The White Paper accepted the Charter Review’s conclusion that:

“The more publicly accountable the BBC appears to be, the greater will be the public preparedness to allow it discretion in its purpose and remit as well as to accept the licence fee as an appropriate form of funding.”

How do the wider public assess the values of public service broadcasting? If their voices and views really count, the RTHK cannot escape to answer questions of public accountability and governance. And expectation of a governance outcome of a corporatised organization is no less demanding than that of a government department. Management basics teach that public sector governance can only be achieved by an integral strengthening of internal conformance and accountability, planning and performance monitoring and external conformance and accountability. Review and evaluation of governance arrangements is also frequent. When Audit critics call for de-linking the RTHK from the government, let’s try as well to devise how to improve and reinvent the public governance and accountability arrangements of RTHK. Otherwise, the public will ask, “Is RTHK really ready for charting a new path for public service broadcasting in Hong Kong?”

April 25, 2006

That’s China隨想

剛從北京回港,電視新聞重複播著國家主席胡錦濤訪美首站是微軟總部並與蓋茨會面。胡主席之後鄭重表示:「中國堅決打擊軟件盜版‧‧‧我們的承諾是嚴肅的、認真的。」由此足顯知識產權在中美貿易中足以左右大局。

但受侵權猖獗影響的又豈只是微軟?今期的英國Prospects Magazine刊出老外版 “Time Out” 生活資訊雜誌That’s Shanghai及That’s Beijing的創辦人Mark Kitto的自白。是一個知識產權被侵佔,還反被官僚部門不斷威嚇的活生生事例。在後海呷著咖啡,一手拿著免費贈閱在老外界成行成市的That’s Beijing,另一手看著Mark在Prospects的苦澀申訴,有點兒喝不知味‧‧‧

故事是這樣開始的。Mark Kitto於1998年前在上海開始搞雜誌,未有領牌、未有國內的合作單位下印製了That’s Shanghai的前身Ish(In Shanghai 的撮寫)。所謂「人怕出名豬怕肥」,Ish在上海老外界廣受歡迎,有點像London的Timeout指點著上海的陌生來客種種上海新潮。這下也招來了市政府來與Mark交涉,指沒有人(包括外國人)可以「擁有」中國任何的傳媒機構,他這下子是非法出版雜誌,情節非常嚴重云云。後來,Ish在上海租用了內地一間出版社的牌照,借「殼」再謀面世,正式易名為That’s。

That’s隨後追軍北京,首都不愁渴望生動的生活資訊的高級外勞,That’s 自然有它的市場。但這個「市場」卻無時無刻不受制於有形的手干預。根據Mark的版本,上海市政府見英語消閒和資訊雜誌這肥水,用盡各種方法找That’s的痛腳。在北京,廣告收入開始紅火,That’s Beijing又被名義上的內地出版牌照持有人「據為己有」,未得Mark同意下印製That’s China。如今,這名在內地打滾十年有多的外地人與持牌人興訟,結果有待下回分解。

看著Mark已經無從拈手的新一期That’s雜誌,潮人潮貨潮吧依舊,但人面儼然全非。後海仍然熙來攘往,中國版Timeout也越出越多,但背後又有多少為了錢而妄顧商標、妄顧版權和原創者心血的故事?這下子我們不是談冰點,不是論新京報,連Mark也直言That’s這類與時事沾不上邊的刊物根本就是一種有利可圖、「活色生香」的宣傳機器 (Profitable propaganda)。只是,今天地雷之所在,是在內地也大談市場規範、知識產權的今天,稍為賣得錢的創作,也能被官僚在未完善的法例下剥奪、沒收、徵用。

土地如是、文化創作如是、新聞資訊如是,連無痛無癢的英語潮流資訊也如是‧‧‧當然Mark Kitto所說的只是一面之詞,但我們能指望新聞局出來說說他們那一面的故事嗎?

誰救港台?!

四月一日參加了港台主辦的「我的公營廣播服務」公聴會。照樣的台上發言、台下每人三分鐘的意見表述,很因循的公營機構搞論壇的模式。獨到之處,放眼台下坐無虛席的觀眾們,絕大部分是來自公民社會,包括是專業團體、義工服務機構、志願機構、議政團體的代表。少了的是政界中人,多了的是家英哥、唱片零售商,甚至是幼兒教育的代表人物。

…詳盡more…

March 9, 2006

半支煙?

煙草並非毒品,至少在法例上是絕對合法的消費品,是個人的消費撰擇,是多個界別直接或間接賴以為生的東西。故此即使其對個人健康、公眾衛生的累積影響有多大,公眾場所吸煙,禁與不禁、誰可豁免,不管是富裕的地區抑或發展中國家,都必然是爭議極大的事。爭議大、利益各異,自然又是政治的課題。

…詳盡more…

March 4, 2006

家鴉教曉我們甚麼? 莫宜端

  說起烏鴉,大多數人會有一種反感。我寫反映我思,歷來「枯藤,老樹,昏鴉」等文學描寫深入人心。電視、電影表現不詳的預兆、悽慘的場景,也常用烏鴉的形象和叫聲來營造氛圍。在禽流感陰影籠罩的今天,搖動公眾衛生的旗幟,更把原已不討人喜歡的家鴉打個落花流水。

…詳盡more…

January 24, 2006

紡織業輸入外勞——如何織出個未來?

Democracy is no easy business.  It is definitely more than universal suffrage.  But what then? How we can develop associative democracy in various policy areas in Hong Kong? Let’s work our mind together.

********************************************************************

踏入二○○六年,聲言放下政治議題專攻民生經濟的香港政府,隨即宣布經勞資雙方的多番談判,達成了「紡織與製衣業人力發展計劃」,即將引入五千名外地勞工,除同時聘請若干數量的本地工人外,亦矢言投入資源進行本地製衣工人培訓和技能提升。

…詳盡more…

November 29, 2005

政治人才斷層的謬論

         在香港待一天也讓人衰老得特別快,因為新聞、時評一樁蓋過一樁,不靜下來回望,很多的創見就在一張又一張的剪報間遺失。

  但對我們這生於殖民地而成人於回歸後的香港的這一代,有一個議題不容我們遺忘,也不容政府去遺忘—筆者所說的是培訓治港人才的大課題。而吸引筆者再次提起這個偌大的題目的,是特區政府就剛成立的策略發展委員會的一番解構分析,當局指出,策發會成員之所以多是已經出現在多個現有諮詢委員會和法定組織之中的老面孔,平均年齡達五十二歲,原因是香港的政治人才出現斷層。

…詳盡more…

November 12, 2005

港人不應做政制發展的「浮士德」

英國保守主義思想家伯克(Edmund Burke)有云:「被法律壓碎的人們失去希望之後,惟有訴諸權力。若法律與人們為敵,人們便會與法律為敵。」(People crushed by laws have no hopes but from power. If laws are their enemies, they will be enemies to laws.)。未來兩個月的諮詢期間,《政制發展第五號報告書》究竟最終為現實的港人接受的「朋友」,抑或再次激起民眾視之為民主之「敵」,尚待觀察。回望差不多一年之前,香港三所民間智庫廣邀政黨和各界人士以「跨越○七○八」為題討論政改的各種民間方案。如今政府所言的「主流方案」,實質上怎樣令政制邁向民主?又是否「跨越」了○七╱○八?

…詳盡more…

沒有調查,中產沒有發言權

內地高唱科學發展觀,當局對調查、對數據的重視,隨對知識分子有意識的倚賴而逐漸加強。加上輿論和新聞界充當實地研究員和「即時專家」(InstantEx-pert)的現象愈來愈受民眾歡迎,以「調查」為內容和賣點的書籍亦如雨後春筍。

…詳盡more…